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Mickelthwait, John and Adrian Wooldridge. The Witch Doctors: Making Sense of the Management Gurus. New York: Times Books, 1998, 12-17, 55-60.

Witnesses for the Prosecution

Management theory, according to the case against it, has four defects: it is constitutionally incapable of self-criticism; its terminology usually confuses rather than educates; it rarely rises above basic common sense; and it is faddish and bedeviled by contradictions that would not be allowed in more rigorous disciplines. The implication of all four charges is that management gurus are con-artists, the witch doctors of our age, playing on business people’s anxieties in order to sell snake oil. The gurus, many of whom have sprung suspiciously from the “great university of life” rather than any orthodox academic discipline, exist largely because people let them get away with it. Modern management theory is no more reliable than tribal medicine. Witch doctors, after all, often got it right, by luck, by instinct, or by trial and error.

The first charge against management theory—its lack of self-criticism—we happily accept. Indeed, one of the points of this book is to provide just such criticism. The second charge—that much of it is incomprehensible gobbledygook—we also happily accept. Another of the purposes of this book is to translate “managementese” into something approaching English. There seems to be something in the water in business schools or at management conferences that destroys people’s capacity to speak plainly or write clearly. Read the following paragraph, for example, written by Gary Hamel and C. K. Prahalad, two of the better gurus: [13] Wave participants involved their direct reports in the discovery process. Each wave appointed a few “linking pins” responsible for interacting the wave’s work with that of the other waves. Change team members acted as coaches to each wave. The output of every wave was thoroughly debated by the other waves and with the Leadership Council. Finally, an “integration team,” made up of some of the more “convergent thinkers” across the waves, boiled the work down to its essence and produced a draft strategic architecture that again was widely debated in the company.

Obfuscation and jargon are confined not just to the printed word. The idea for this book sprang out of a symposium held at a Swiss management forum, where a room full of German businessmen endeavored heroically to understand what an American guru was trying to say. Every direct, practical query from the floor received an ever vaguer response from the podium. Specific questions, along the lines of “How should we apply your ideas?” were answered by philosophical musings about what words such as “apply” meant and an invitation to the whole room to discuss “apply.” A few incomprehensible diagrams were produced “just as a loose framework.” The German businessmen blamed themselves for not understanding.

What, then, of the third, more substantial charge: that, underneath this convenient cloud of obfuscation, most of what the gurus say is blindingly obvious? Too often to outside eyes, management gurus seem to be dealing in applied common sense (“the customer is king”); many of their catchphrases (“total-quality management”) now seem trite. They often claim to be predicting the future when all they are doing is describing the present. Just as Lenin’s Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917) predicted the outbreak of the First World War three years after it had actually happened, management gurus are forever prophesying a future that has already arrived. There is an element of truth in this, but less than critics allege. Some of the things that strike us nowadays as blindingly obvious were anything but obvious when far-sighted management theorists began to talk about them. Peter Drucker, for example, was predicting the decline of the blue-collar worker and the rise of the “knowledge worker” back in the 1950s. People have stopped preaching about total-quality management, not because quality has gone out of fashion, but because [14] everybody is striving for it. Besides, there is nothing inherently wrong with stating the obvious. One of the arguments for hiring management consultants is that they can see what is obvious to an outsider but incomprehensible to an insider.

However, the most common criticism of management theory focuses on the fourth charge: its faddishness. Management theorists have a passion for permanent revolution that would have made Leon Trotsky or Mao Zedong green with envy. Theorists are forever unveiling ideas, christened with some acronym and tarted up in scientific language, which are supposed to “guarantee competitive success.” A few months later, with the ideas tried out and “competitive success” still as illusory as ever, the theorists unveil some new idea. The names speak for themselves: theory Z, management by objectives, brainstorming, managerial grid, T groups, intrapreneureship, demassing, excellence, managing by walking around, and so on.

The fashion in theories is mirrored by a fashion in companies. Gurus are forever discovering companies that seem to have stumbled on the secret of competitive success. A few years later these miracle organizations are faltering, troubled, or even bankrupt. In 1982 In Search of Excellence identified 43 excellent American companies and tried to distill the sources of their success. But less than five years after the book’s publication two-thirds of the companies studied had ceased to be excellent. Some, such as Atari and Avon, were in serious trouble; others, like Wang and DuPont, were no longer outstanding. IBM was well-advanced in its serious decline. (On noticing the trend, Business Week produced a cover emblazoned with a single word, “Oops!”) But, rather than taking a vow of silence, Tom Peters produced yet more books, advocating different solutions to America’s problems.

These theories seem to have a large and willing (if confused) audience among managers. In 1995 a survey by Bain & Company, a consultancy, of what use managers around the world made of 25 leading management techniques found that the average company used 11.8 of these techniques in 1993 and 12.7 in 1994. The managers were on course to use 14.1 techniques in 1995.8 Although Americans are usually singled out as the worst offenders, their consumption rate (12.8) was only slightly higher than that of France (11.4) and Japan (11.5) and behind that of the biggest binger, Britain (13.7).

Management fashions seem to be growing ever more fickle: the life cycle of an idea has now shrunk from a decade to a year or less. [15] Humble businessmen trying to keep up with the latest fashion often find that by the time they have implemented the new craze, it looks outdated. The only people who win out are the theorists, who just go on getting richer and richer. Indeed, it is not hard to construct an Oliver Stone movie out of the available evidence for a concerted conspiracy. Established gurus, with jet-set lifestyles to support, are always looking for ways to update their arguments; would-be gurus, be they overworked management consultants dreaming of spending some time with their families or underemployed business professors dreaming of first-class travel, are always trying to invent the revolutionary ideas that will establish their reputations; and everybody in the business is desperate to keep the wheel turning.

The Contradictory Corporation

All the complaints about faddism miss the point. There is nothing necessarily wrong about trying out ideas. Rather like jogging or pumping iron, a new theory forces companies to exercise their corporate muscles. (General Electric’s Jack Welch even dubs one of his management systems “workout,” implying that managerial change is good for corporate health.) The problem comes when these ideas contradict each other. The real problem with management theory is that it is pulling institutions and individuals in conflicting directions.

For every theory dragging companies one way, there are two other theories dragging it in another. One moment, the gurus are preaching total-quality management and the importance of checking quality and reducing defects; the next, they are insisting that what matters is speed (which means being a little less painstaking about checking quality). One moment, they are saying that what gives a company its edge is its corporate culture, the more distinctive the better; the next, they are ordering companies to become more “multicultural” in order to be able to hold a mirror up to the rest of society. One moment, companies are urged to agree upon and then follow a single strong “vision”; the next, they are being warned that they live in an “age of uncertainty” where following any single vision can be suicidal. Most management theorists have not worked out whether it is important to be global or local, to be big or small, to be run in the interests of shareholders or stakeholders. Usually, they end up telling managers to do both.

[16] The contradictions are particularly poisonous when they involve a company’s relations with its staff. One of the more fashionable words in management theory is “trust”—it is this, the theory holds, that will keep “knowledge workers” loyal and inspire them to come up with ideas. Yet all the gurus also preach the virtue of “flexibility,” which is usually shorthand for firing people. Indeed, there is a growing contradiction between the interests of companies and those of their employees. What companies do to make themselves secure—laying off workers, putting them on short-term contracts, or introducing flexible work schedules—is precisely what makes those workers feel insecure. Meanwhile, the only person who could sort out these contradictions is the one who—thanks to all that delayering—has the least time to do it: the boss.

These contradictions within firms reflect a deeper intellectual confusion at the heart of management theory, which has left it not so much a coherent discipline as a battleground between two radically opposed philosophies. Management theorists usually belong to one of two rival schools, each of which is inspired by a different philosophy of human nature; and management practice has oscillated wildly between these two positions. Scientific management is based on the idea that the average worker is a lazy slob who is only redeemed by greed. The job of the manager is to break down jobs into their component parts, so that even the dumbest persons can master them, and design incentive systems, so that even the laziest will exert themselves. Humanistic management, on the other-hand, is based on the idea that the average worker is a model human being, intelligent, creative, and self-motivating. The job of the manager is to ensure that work is interesting enough to bring out the best in the firm’s employees, by dint of devolving decisions to shop-floor workers, creating self-managing teams, and encouraging workers to make suggestions about how the company might be improved. This, in essence, is the debate: between “hard” and “soft” management.

The first theory held sway until the Second World War, in the guise of scientific management; the seed gained ground in the 1950s and 1960s under the banner of the “human-relations movement.” In the 1980s the humanists pointed to Japan, as a country that devolved power to workers and eschewed scientific management. This soft approach was increasingly overshadowed by hard realities: for all their kind words, companies everywhere began to cut back staff. By the [17] early 1990s the dominant management theory was reengineering, which tried to adapt Taylorism to the age of the computer.

The Contradictory Corporation has had two alarming effects. The first has been to reinforce anxiety, from the boardroom down. American managers have an acronym that captures the effect of all the changes: BOHICA—or bend over, here it comes again. Business Week quoted one American manager delivering his verdict on management fashion: “Last year it was quality circles . . . this year it will be zero inventories. The truth is, one more fad and we will all go nuts.”9 That was in 1986, and since then the velocity of fads—and their ability to contradict one another—has increased considerably.

The second effect concerns language and commitment. As contradictory theories zip past them, managers have learned how to pay lip service to theories without really understanding them, let alone bothering to implement them. Many managers are rather like the Soviet bureaucrats of old, living in a dual world: the real world and the world of officially sanctioned ideology. Thus they talk about “empowerment” but habitually hoard power, or proclaim that they are “reengineering” their organizations when they are really just firing a few of the more lackluster workers.

This doublespeak matters because management theory is the language of the international elite. An increasing number of people who rule companies and countries speak in its terms. For the young and ambitious, a business school education is looking more and more like a necessity (and a spell at a consulting firm more of a probability). Eavesdrop in the business-class lounge of any airport from Shanghai to San Francisco and you will hear a familiar vernacular. In politics, the old battles between left and right no longer seem to matter. There is no ideological gulf between the Clintonites and Doleites. Instead, the battleground has become one of managerial efficiency: who will “manage” the economy, who will “restructure” government, who has the necessary “leadership skills,” and so on. If this debate is carried out in terms that are contradictory or empty, then everyone suffers.

 

[55] Thriving on Anxiety

If all these vested interests transform the management industry into an impressive marketing machine, they do not completely explain why customers fling themselves under its wheels. What drives [56] a man who is already working himself into an early grave to read some screed on organizational transformation? And what drives a company that is staring oblivion in the face to send key employees on expensive seminars on liberation management?

Andrzej Huczynski, a student of management gurus, argues that part of the answer lies in managers’ anxiety about their status. The first American business schools were built so that managers could look graduates from the great schools of law and medicine straight in the eye. Managers went on executive education programs and international conferences, because that was the sort of thing that professional people did. Managers lapped up “scientific management” because everybody who was anybody seemed to have a branch of science to support them.

Some of the most successful gurus have been shameless flatterers of managerial egos. Peter Drucker subtitled his classic The Practice of Management “a study of the most important function in American society.” The manager, he argued, “is the dynamic, life-giving element in every business.” Henry Mintzberg has repeatedly stressed the difficulty and complexity of managers’ jobs, reinforcing the idea that managers are special people, grappling with intractable problems. Tom Peters tries a slightly different tactic, telling managers not just that they are important, but also that they are rather wacky. Their children may call them squares. Their wives may despair that they are not as much fun as they used to be. But, listening to Tom Peters, they become crazy guys, dreaming impossible dreams and making unbelievable things happen.

The average struggling doctor or university professor might be surprised to discover that managers are socially insecure people. The gleaming buildings and carefully manicured lawns of business schools bespeak the arrogance of wealth. Top managers have seen their incomes increase substantially over the past decade, at a time when the income of shop-floor workers has stagnated or even declined. Surely the people who are really anxious about their status are members of the traditional elites, such as civil servants and academics? The answer is that, in social terms, the managerial class is probably more secure that it used to be. But today’s managers have a lot of other things to be worried about, and management theorists have become virtuosos at discovering and calming these worries.

[57] Managers are much more fearful of the future than they have ever been before. They know that they are living through momentous changes in the global economy—the rise of Asia, the fall of blue-chip companies like IBM, the collapse of career ladders—and they do not know whether those changes will make them rich or turn them into casualties. At the most basic level, they are terrified rifled of losing their jobs. First in the United States, then in Britain, and now in Europe and Japan, companies have broken with the convention that a job in management is a job for life.

Even if they have survived the latest round of restructuring, managers still have to come to terms with radically redesigned jobs. What, after all, are they actually supposed to do when they “manage”? Are they strategy setters? Sergeant majors in business suits? Coaches? Amateur psychotherapists? In the old days of steep hierarchies and deferential workers, such heretical questions never arose: senior managers set strategy, subdivided tasks into their component parts, and designed incentive schemes, and theirs juniors supervised workers and bawled them out if they slacked off. But now that, computers are putting information in the hands of more and more employees and decision making is being devolved to front-line workers, the traditional sources of managerial authority are disappearing. Some “lean” factories have even introduced a quasi-Maoist device called “360-degree assessment,” whereby managers have to listen to frank reports on their personal foibles and failings from the people they are supposed to be managing.

Allan Katcher, an American psychologist, has asked senior American executives what they would least want their subordinates to know about them. In 19 out of the 20 cases the answer was the same. They feared that their subordinates would learn how inadequate they felt in their jobs. These trembling Chihuahuas were professional managers, groomed throughout their careers to become top dogs. Yet many people who end up in such managerial positions are promoted not for their managerial skills but for their excellence in other jobs—as engineers or lawyers or editorial writers. In their former jobs, they no doubt despised management theory. Perhaps, they despise it still; but now that they are going to be evaluated on the basis of their managerial abilities, they reluctantly fall under its spell. So they turn to the people who “know,” guiltily buying a book on [58] management, then organizing a conference, with, say, a consultant from McKinsey to act as a “facilitator.”

To these anxiety-ridden men and women, management books offer a rare source of security. The most obvious beneficiaries are those fringe thinkers who concentrate on the individual rather than the organization: hence the charm of Stephen Covey’s new-age psychotherapy (The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People, 1989) and of motivational gurus such as Anthony Robbins. However, managerial angst has also helped brass tacks authors who provide their readers with a more general explanation of what exactly is happening to them. For instance, Charles Handy’s The Age of Unreason (1989) addresses the disappearance of jobs for life. A follow-up, The Empty Raincoat (1995), looks at the widespread feeling that life is out of balance, with some people working round the clock and others having nothing to do. Even fairly straightforward management books often come in packages designed to appeal to the nervous. Who would have guessed that Control Your Destiny or Somebody Else Will (1993) is actually a (fairly good) business biography of Jack Welch? One book by Tom Peters begins with a quotation from Andy Grove, the boss of Intel: “Only the paranoid survive”; another is called Thriving on Chaos (1989). The ideal “unique selling proposition” for a management book is something along the lines of “Buy me or else you will not be among the elite who will avoid being downsized out of a job or put on a short-term contract.”

Often, the gurus offer the illusion that, for all the complexities of the world, the answers are really rather straightforward, provided the guru is one’s guide. In Search of Excellence is full of reassurances that “the answer is surprisingly simple, albeit ignored by most managers.” To find the truth one needs neither a gigantic brain nor a magic wand. Peters even argued that it was the book’s relentlessly commonsensical nature that made it a best-seller: “The absence of magic—practical, common sense—turned out to be its biggest selling point.” The first chapter of his subsequent book, A Passion for Excellence (1985), was called “A flash of the obvious.” Another way to make ideas seem simple is to translate them into formulas, such as Douglas McGregor’s “theory X and theory Y.” Nowadays alliterative formulas are so rampant that a reader does not know whether the “three Cs” refers to commitment, creativity, and competition, as [59] Kenichi Ohmae preaches, or competence, connections, and concepts, as Rosabeth Moss Kanter would have it.

When such charms are not soothing managers’ fears, they are usually firing their ambitions. A taste for management theory can help bright young executives to steal a march on their colleagues. Being chosen to attend an expensive management seminar means that they are in favor with their immediate superiors. Attending the seminar gives them access to a trendy language and helps them to network with similarly ambitious colleagues from other companies. (It also makes a welcome break from doing any real work.) Championing an idea suggests that a manager is open to change, willing to take risks, in touch with the latest thinking. The chance to put the fad into practice gives him much higher visibility throughout the company, tests his mettle as an agent of change and not just a stooge of the status quo, and generally increases his chances of winning promotion.

Another reason that managers are keen on management theory is defensive: what better way to defend your turf than to clothe your specialism with the dignity of scientific theory? Peter Drucker’s “management by objectives” strengthened the position of general managers. Total-quality management reinforced the role of production chiefs. The training department is forever on the lookout for ideas that will help inflate the training budget, while the “human resource specialists” are suckers for any theorist who argues for “putting people first” (to borrow the title of a book by a professor at Stanford Business School, Jeffrey Pfeffer).

The Importance of Being Faddish

Why do managers flit from theory to theory rather than settling for just one or, as their disappointment mounts, rejecting the whole guru business entirely? And why do management gurus keep tearing up the sacred texts and starting from scratch? The glimmer of an answer should already be apparent. The sheer number of would-be gurus means that there are always numerous ideas in the marketplace. The prevalence of fear and ambition among the consumers of management ideas means that the market is always unstable.

Arguably, the ground for the current frenzy of management fads was prepared by the professionalization of management in America [60] in the wake of the Second World War. The premise behind this change was that a set of general concepts and generic principles could be applied in all circumstances. Belief in these universal ideas weaned managers from their earlier reliance on improvised in-house management practices and prepared them to become consumers of mass-produced and mass-marketed managerial techniques.

This regimented system, which allowed for fads but was not built around them, lasted only as long as the 1980s. Suddenly, most of its fixed points were called into question. The mass-production model no longer seemed to be working. The paragons of good management—companies such as General Motors and IBM—were slipping. Ideas that had been invented outside the system—foreign notions such as “lean production” and “customer-supplier” partnerships appeared to have the edge. American companies now had to consult Tom Peters and Toyota rather than just the Harvard Business School and McKinsey. What might be called the velocity of management faddism increased exponentially just about everywhere. The more companies panicked the more they flitted from technique to technique in search of salvation. Of the 27 fads highlighted by Richard Pascale in Managing on the Edge in 1990, two-thirds were spawned during the 1980s. Since then the process has only speeded up.

And, from the management industry’s viewpoint, the beauty of the system is that none of the formulas work—or, at least, they do not work as completely as the anguished or greedy buyers hope. ‘The result is enormous profits for the gurus but confusion for their clients. “In the past 18 months,” one Midwestern equipment manufacturer told Pascale, “we have heard that profit is more important than revenue, quality is more important than profit, that people are more important than profit, that customers are more important than our people, that big customers are more important than our small customers, and that growth is the key to our success. No wonder our performance is inconsistent.”

One thing that the management industry deserves to be flagellated for repeatedly is that it so often sells its ideas as permanent solutions. Close study indicates that management remains an art rather than a science, its aspirations to the contrary notwithstanding. With that in mind, we will now look at the ideas themselves, beginning with the work of the two best-known witch doctors: Peter Drucker and Tom Peters.

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